For most of the last 30 years, the process of European integration has been seen as an irreversible one, with the creation of a strong justice system through reforms and the guarantee of the rule of law being one of the key endpoints. The assertion that "the process of European integration is irreversible" has long been present in the public space and has been taken over by the pro-European government in Chisinau. However, recent experiences of some European countries prove otherwise and demonstrate that democracy is not guaranteed, even in the European Union.

As the Western Balkans mark two decades since the 2003 Thessaloniki Summit, an atmosphere of reflection, rather than celebration, envelops the region. Amidst the initial hopes ignited by the summit's commitment to EU enlargement, the journey towards integration has been mired in complexities and frustrations. A deeper exploration into the underlying causes reveals a surprising factor at the heart of the delay – the state of public administration, an often-overlooked linchpin in the ambitious pursuit of EU integration.

In 2003, the historic Thessaloniki Summit marked a pivotal moment for Europe and its enduring commitment to enlargement and unity. At the heart of this gathering in the timeless Greek city was the visionary idea to bring the Western Balkans into the European family. The summit not only reaffirmed the EU's dedication to the enlargement process but also set into motion the integration pathways for countries emerging from a tumultuous past.

Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine stressed the importance of engaging the Western Balkans more closely. The strategy behind the West’s renewed interest was twofold: bring Kosovo and Serbia closer to a deal to normalise relations and simultaneously move Serbia away from the Russian orbit. Despite initial enthusiasm in early 2023, relations quickly soured once again. What will it take to overcome this impasse?

The Kosovo-Serbia dialogue which has been facilitated by the European Union since 2011 has faced challenges in normalising relations between the two countries. However, Russia’s full-scale war in Ukraine injected a sense of urgency and provided a renewed impetus to address the dialogue. This led to a new diplomatic offensive that culminated in the finalisation of the second Brussels Agreement and its Implementation Annex in February and March 2023, respectively.

Many now talk about Ukraine’s potential membership of the European Union. However, there has been little discussion on how Kyiv could become a member state in a practical sense. A recent EU-funded event in the Ukrainian capital offered insight into the country’s prospects, ultimately laying out various positive, negative and middle of the road scenarios.

The European Union’s recent decision to award candidate status to Moldova and Ukraine has left Georgia in a difficult position. Whilst eager to integrate with the bloc, the country still suffers from numerous political issues. Tbilisi must now take full advantage of all the tools available to it in order to not fall further behind.

Since the restoration of independence in 1991, Georgia has increasingly identified itself as part of the European family. Despite this, no real reciprocal steps have been taken by Europe to acknowledge these developments. Georgia has most often been perceived by Europe as part of its geographical periphery, somewhat separate from the continent. Since the formal establishment of the European Union in the early 1990s, Tbilisi’s dream of joining the EU has remained a utopian vision. The country has constantly been referred to as simply a “neighbour” of the EU.

Following a brief summer hiatus, the Georgian parliament is back in session. At the top of the list will be the reform efforts proposed by the European Commission.

North Macedonia has faced numerous challenges on its path to EU membership. Having signed a pivotal agreement with Greece in 2018, it was hoped that Skopje could move towards integration unhindered. However, a recent French-sponsored agreement with Bulgaria suggests that Sofia will now wield disproportionate influence over the country’s future.

In 2008, NATO did not grant Ukraine and Georgia a Membership Action Plan. It was mainly the result of Vladimir Putin’s personal persuasion at the NATO Summit in Bucharest which took place that year. The Kremlin considered it as a weakness of the West and attacked Georgia the same year. Is the European Union now capable of taking a bolder decision with regards to countries aspiring to join its structures?

Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24th has changed not only our current understanding of European security, but also our thinking about the European Union and its place in the world. The belief that Europeans must play an important role in this unprecedented crisis offers a chance to reconsider some internal processes, including the policy of enlargement. This process has stagnated over the past decade. If strong enough political will is found, the Russian war against Ukraine could offer a concrete perspective on the country's future within the European community.

Whilst fighting continues in Donbas, governments and economists around the world are now thinking about a potential reconstruction plan for Ukraine. The scope of this project would mirror that of the post-war Marshall Plan and ultimately must take into account the peculiarities of Ukraine’s position.

Bulgaria’s veto for neighbouring North Macedonia’s accession talks to the European Union late last year could spell trouble in the long run for the rest of the region. By blocking Skopje’s European path, the decision taken by Bulgarian authorities goes to show how historical feuds in the region are still threatening to disrupt its already fragile and patchy path towards the EU.

The conditions that Bulgaria has set ahead for its much smaller neighbour include an official acknowledgement of having a common history, a change in the formulation describing the official language (Macedonian) which is being used in North Macedonia, and a roadmap for the implementation of a friendship treaty that the two countries signed in 2017. Bulgaria has also requested that the agreement includes Skopje's renunciation of claims to the existence of a Macedonian minority in Bulgaria.