What Can Ukraine Expect from the West Now?
I write to you as a former prisoner of conscience of the Brezhnev era. All other titles are rapidly losing sense in light of the bleeding Ukrainian Maidan.
February 20, 2014 - Myroslav Marynovych
I write to you as a former prisoner of conscience of the Brezhnev era. All other titles are rapidly losing sense in light of the bleeding Ukrainian Maidan.
February 20, 2014 - Myroslav Marynovych
Letter from Ukrainian PEN Club regarding situation in Ukraine
On 16 January, Ukrainian authorities crossed the red line that separates semi-authoritarian regimes from genuine dictatorships. The cluster of laws rubber-stamped by parliament in a farcical hand-voting procedure encroaches heavily on the civic rights and political liberties of Ukrainian citizens, including freedom of speech, information, and assembly. The package outlaws the activity of non-government organizations, eliminates the remnants of an independent judiciary, criminalizes the independent monitoring of government bodies, and makes any free political competition in Ukraine virtually impossible.
January 22, 2014 - Myroslav Marynovych
The consequences of Russia’s invasion are visible not only in Ukraine. The Kremlin has set off or exploited a series of crises that face most European countries.
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New thinking is needed in policies towards Russia, in whatever form it will take after the war.
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Ukraine’s suffering goes well beyond the front line.
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With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine we now see our western values under siege, whether we consciously recognise it or not.
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The invasion by Russian forces of Ukraine from the north, south and east – with the initial aim to take the capital Kyiv – has changed our region, and indeed our world, forever.
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The situation with Russian threats towards Ukraine once again illustrates the high level of instability in our region.
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Only a year ago we witnessed the second Nagorno-Karabakh war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. It took at least 5,000 lives and significantly shifted the geopolitics in the South Caucuses.
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This special issue aims to honour the plight of Belarusians whose democratic choice made in August 2020 was shamelessly snubbed by Alyaksandr Lukashenka.
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From the social, economic and political points of view, a lot of work still remains for this country. And this is why Ukraine’s story is incomplete.
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Our societies are more polarised than ever before, which makes them more susceptible to disinformation, untruth and conspiracy theories.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed limitations and weaknesses in nearly all countries around the world.
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Uncertainty, volatility and the relationship between Russia and the West.
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The Black Sea region is quickly becoming a geopolitical battleground which is gaining the interest of major powers, regional players and smaller countries – and the stakes are only getting higher.
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This issue is dedicated to the 10 year anniversary of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership as well as the 30 years since the 1989 revolutions in Central Europe.
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The consequences of the emerging multipolar world.
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This issue takes a special look at the role and responsibility of the public intellectual in Central and Eastern Europe today.
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In the eastern parts of the European continent, 1918 is remembered not only as the end of the First World War, but also saw the emergence of newly-independent states and the rise of geopolitical struggles which are felt until this day.
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It often seems, at least from the outside, that Belarus remains isolated from the West and very static in its transformation. Yet, despite its relative isolation, Belarus is indeed changing.
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The Summer 2018 issue of New Eastern Europe tackles the complexity of para-states in the post-Soviet space.
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