The start of July saw Britain elect a Labour government for the first time in well over a decade. While promising change to voters at home, a level of continuity still appears to dominate London’s foreign policy. This is particularly true regarding the region, with a desire to overcome the tensions of Brexit adding nuance to well-established support for Ukraine.
The return of former British Prime Minister David Cameron to frontline politics has surprised observers at home and abroad. Taking up the position of foreign minister, the veteran politician will now oversee the country’s ongoing support for Ukraine. Such a role will undoubtedly be overshadowed by his failure to deter Russian aggression in 2014.
Ukraine’s victory at Eurovision last year was the first time a country engaged in full-scale war has won the competition. However, such circumstances have ultimately resulted in runners up Britain organising the event this May. How did this come about and how does the UK plan to promote Ukraine during this year’s Eurovision?
British Prime Minister Rishi Sunak has attracted more controversy than his predecessors when it comes to Ukraine. Most renowned for his business credentials, the UK’s new leader has pursued a quieter approach to the conflict. However, does this reality amount to a simple change in style or a fundamental shift?
The downfall of British Prime Minister Boris Johnson could not have come at a worse time for a besieged Ukraine. Now planning a major counteroffensive, the Zelenskyy administration had come to rely on the outgoing UK leader for arms and diplomatic support. The ongoing contest to succeed Johnson in the autumn will decide the future contours of this extensive bilateral relationship.
The consequences of Russia’s invasion are visible not only in Ukraine. The Kremlin has set off or exploited a series of crises that face most European countries.
The invasion by Russian forces of Ukraine from the north, south and east – with the initial aim to take the capital Kyiv – has changed our region, and indeed our world, forever.
Only a year ago we witnessed the second Nagorno-Karabakh war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. It took at least 5,000 lives and significantly shifted the geopolitics in the South Caucuses.
This special issue aims to honour the plight of Belarusians whose democratic choice made in August 2020 was shamelessly snubbed by Alyaksandr Lukashenka.
The Black Sea region is quickly becoming a geopolitical battleground which is gaining the interest of major powers, regional players and smaller countries – and the stakes are only getting higher.
This issue is dedicated to the 10 year anniversary of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership as well as the 30 years since the 1989 revolutions in Central Europe.
In the eastern parts of the European continent, 1918 is remembered not only as the end of the First World War, but also saw the emergence of newly-independent states and the rise of geopolitical struggles which are felt until this day.
It often seems, at least from the outside, that Belarus remains isolated from the West and very static in its transformation. Yet, despite its relative isolation, Belarus is indeed changing.
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