Hungary’s Péter Magyar learned that technocratic politics alone is insufficient, since politics is also largely about identity, community, and storytelling. Thus, unlike earlier opposition forces, Magyar’s Tisza did not limit itself to anti-Orbán slogans, but instead brought back something that was painfully absent from Hungarian public life: a nation-unifying narrative capable of transcending political camps.
With a two-thirds majority, Péter Magyar and his Tisza party can push through almost any decision. The question is not whether the new authorities will be more democratic than Viktor Orbán – they clearly are – but whether they will restrain themselves over the long term.
The recent victory of Péter Magyar in Hungary suggests that Budapest’s pro-Russia policies are coming to an end. This closeness with Moscow has a long legacy that is ultimately related to how Hungarians have viewed their relationship with the state over many decades.
The recent victory of Péter Magyar’s Tisza party in Hungary has led to excited discussions regarding the future of the country. A great amount of internal and external change must occur if Budapest is to truly take advantage of this moment after many years under Viktor Orbán’s illiberal rule.
In late January a Russian drone damaged the Druzhba pipeline, through which Russian oil flows to Slovakia and Hungary. While after the attacks Ukraine admitted that reparations were (and still are) needed, Orbán stated – based on a satellite image – that the pipeline has been operational, and that it is simply not working for political reasons.
As we are well into the fifth year of Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, old questions are beginning to stir from beneath the surface, particularly: how should the West engage with Russia, if at all?
The consequences of Russia’s invasion are visible not only in Ukraine. The Kremlin has set off or exploited a series of crises that face most European countries.
The invasion by Russian forces of Ukraine from the north, south and east – with the initial aim to take the capital Kyiv – has changed our region, and indeed our world, forever.
Only a year ago we witnessed the second Nagorno-Karabakh war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. It took at least 5,000 lives and significantly shifted the geopolitics in the South Caucuses.
This special issue aims to honour the plight of Belarusians whose democratic choice made in August 2020 was shamelessly snubbed by Alyaksandr Lukashenka.
The Black Sea region is quickly becoming a geopolitical battleground which is gaining the interest of major powers, regional players and smaller countries – and the stakes are only getting higher.
This issue is dedicated to the 10 year anniversary of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership as well as the 30 years since the 1989 revolutions in Central Europe.
In the eastern parts of the European continent, 1918 is remembered not only as the end of the First World War, but also saw the emergence of newly-independent states and the rise of geopolitical struggles which are felt until this day.
It often seems, at least from the outside, that Belarus remains isolated from the West and very static in its transformation. Yet, despite its relative isolation, Belarus is indeed changing.
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