Kosovo’s identity remains highly contested in spite of its declaration of independence all the way back in 2008. While many still hold on to an ethnic conception of the state, people like the musician and intellectual Migjen Kelmendi want a new country with new values. This aim can be traced back to a cultural milieu that overcame the divisions of Yugoslavia.

I met the journalist and writer Migjen Kelmendi in the Charlie Brown café near Bill Clinton Boulevard in Pristina, Kosovo. Forty years have passed since he founded the band Gjurmët, but the thin smile of the first Kosovar Albanian rock icon is still there. In the 1960s, Yugoslavia welcomed rock-n-roll, organized festivals and promoted Yugoslav artists via the Yugoton label. An unprecedented rock scene emerged during the following decade: Zagreb, Belgrade, Ljubljana and Sarajevo became vibrant centres where punk and new wave flourished. Often mobilized by the state apparatus, the youth used rock to voice new aspirations. 

Kosovo’s recent election has brought up various questions regarding the country’s future. A search is now underway to determine how a majority can be formed in parliament, with the incumbent Albin Kurti likely to continue his leadership. At the same time, such developments could well have an impact on the nation’s relationship with western states.

From the perspective of Kosovo, the aggression exerted by Russia against Ukraine is seen similarly as the acts committed by Serbia. The aim of both is territorial expansion. While Russia is trying to maintain its influence, Serbia aims to create what is called the “Serbian world”. Both call for greater autonomy for local citizens to justify their aggressive aims.

Kosovo and Serbia cannot agree on a sustainable political solution. The conflict between these two countries is deeply rooted and has not been resolved even after tense negotiations in Vienna in 2006-07. These negotiations produced a document known as the Ahtisaari Plan. Kosovo then declared its statehood in 2008 based on this agreement but Serbia did not accept it.

A military intervention by Serbia into Kosovo would be the biggest upset to the political order in the Balkans since the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s, with consequences that few have considered. Not only would such action do damage within Serbia, but neighbouring states and other powers could see similar repercussions as well. Even though such a scenario is not a certainty, these consequences must be considered.

The year 2008 is one that is singed into the mind of Serbs, both in Serbia and abroad. In February of that year, the Autonomous Province of Kosovo unilaterally declared independence from Serbia. To the outrage of Serbs across the world, a part of the country regarded as integral to the Serbian identity itself left with minimal resistance and effort being made by the Serbian government. Since then, the question of Kosovo remains one of the most important political issues both within Serbia and major nations involved in the political order of the Balkans.

The Council of Europe has become the latest flashpoint in relations between Serbia and Kosovo. While Pristina has expressed its desire to join the body, Belgrade has threatened to abandon the organization altogether. Such a move would only further challenge the delicate rights regime that exists in the country.

On November 28th, Albanians commemorate their independence from the Ottoman Empire in 1912. But this is not only celebrated in Albania, with Kosovo’s 92 per cent ethnic Albanian population joining in too. The high level of public support for the young country’s war heroes of the now disbanded Kosovo Liberation Army is clear to see, even though some of its former leaders are currently detained in The Hague awaiting war crimes trials.

From the outside, Kosovo may look like any other society in Europe. Beneath this façade, however, lies a deep societal issue regarding the treatment of women and girls. If society is to advance, it must come to terms with this uncomfortable truth.

After years of struggle, political corruption and non-compliance with obligations from both sides, the Franco-German proposal for Serbia and Kosovo came as some kind of relief for those who want to normalise relations. It can be seen as an ultimatum for the political elites, but also an opportunity for extremists on both sides to blame their opponents for “treason”.

On the evening of February 27th 2022, the day-long meeting in Brussels between Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, Kosovar Prime Minister Albin Kurti, the European Union’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Josep Borrell, and the EU Special Representative for Belgrade-Pristina Dialogue Miroslav Lajčák, finally came to an end.

On November 5th 2020, Hacim Thaçi, President of Kosovo, publicly announced his resignation and flew to The Hague to face trial. Thaçi is accused of war crimes and crimes against humanity dating from his time as a Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) commander in the 1990s, crimes that he vehemently denies. He was accompanied by other prominent Kosovan politicians from both the governing and opposition parties in the indictment. This is the most dramatic incident amongst a series of high-profile indictments against Kosovo’s leadership since the country’s unilateral declaration of independence in 1999.

The Washington Agreements signed with Kosovo and Serbia last month raise many questions, including how they will be implemented and what the political fallout in Kosovo might be.

The Trump Administration’s Serbia-Kosovo agreement may achieve short-term successes, but it could also result in long-term negative consequences for the two adversaries.

The so-called "economic normalisation deal" between Kosovo and Serbia was exploited by President Trump to further his foreign policy objectives in the Middle East.