November 25, 2022 - Valentino Grbavac
February 23, 2022 - Luke Smith
April 27, 2020 - Valentina Gevorgyan
April 21, 2020 - Florent Marciacq Zoé Kappes
June 11, 2019 - Paul Shields
May 16, 2019 - Ruslan Kermach
May 6, 2019 - Nick Baigent
January 31, 2019 - Andreas Umland
May 16, 2018 - Anastasia Iarovoi Jenifer Albert Ludovica Smargiassi
The assassination of Boris Nemtsov in front of the Kremlin on February 27th 2015 marked the first time since the execution of Lavrentiy Beria in 1953 that a viable contender for Russian power was summarily eliminated. By the time Brezhnev forcibly ousted Khrushchev from power in 1964, the Soviet elite had tacitly agreed that power struggles between them would not result in murder; Khrushchev died eight years later, with a pension. Since 1953, the Russian political elite who came to power through illiberal and undemocratic means did not generally purge the allies of their predecessors for fear that the same would be done to them if and when they were succeeded. Perhaps, whoever ordered the assassination of Boris Nemtsov harbours no such fears.
May 31, 2017 - Naphtali Rivkin
The consequences of Russia’s invasion are visible not only in Ukraine. The Kremlin has set off or exploited a series of crises that face most European countries.
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New thinking is needed in policies towards Russia, in whatever form it will take after the war.
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Ukraine’s suffering goes well beyond the front line.
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With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine we now see our western values under siege, whether we consciously recognise it or not.
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The invasion by Russian forces of Ukraine from the north, south and east – with the initial aim to take the capital Kyiv – has changed our region, and indeed our world, forever.
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The situation with Russian threats towards Ukraine once again illustrates the high level of instability in our region.
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Only a year ago we witnessed the second Nagorno-Karabakh war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. It took at least 5,000 lives and significantly shifted the geopolitics in the South Caucuses.
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This special issue aims to honour the plight of Belarusians whose democratic choice made in August 2020 was shamelessly snubbed by Alyaksandr Lukashenka.
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From the social, economic and political points of view, a lot of work still remains for this country. And this is why Ukraine’s story is incomplete.
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Our societies are more polarised than ever before, which makes them more susceptible to disinformation, untruth and conspiracy theories.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed limitations and weaknesses in nearly all countries around the world.
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Uncertainty, volatility and the relationship between Russia and the West.
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The Black Sea region is quickly becoming a geopolitical battleground which is gaining the interest of major powers, regional players and smaller countries – and the stakes are only getting higher.
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This issue is dedicated to the 10 year anniversary of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership as well as the 30 years since the 1989 revolutions in Central Europe.
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The consequences of the emerging multipolar world.
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This issue takes a special look at the role and responsibility of the public intellectual in Central and Eastern Europe today.
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In the eastern parts of the European continent, 1918 is remembered not only as the end of the First World War, but also saw the emergence of newly-independent states and the rise of geopolitical struggles which are felt until this day.
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It often seems, at least from the outside, that Belarus remains isolated from the West and very static in its transformation. Yet, despite its relative isolation, Belarus is indeed changing.
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The Summer 2018 issue of New Eastern Europe tackles the complexity of para-states in the post-Soviet space.
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