December 20, 2018 - Zselyke Csaky and Gergely Romsics
November 23, 2018 - Zselyke Csaky and Gergely Romsics
September 17, 2018 - Zselyke Csaky and Gergely Romsics
August 27, 2018 - Zselyke Csaky and Gergely Romsics
April 26, 2018 - Ziemowit Szczerek
April 26, 2018 - Aleksandra Wojtaszek Miljenko Jergović
April 16, 2018 - Zselyke Csaky and Gergely Romsics
January 26, 2018 - Zselyke Csaky and Gergely Romsics
January 23, 2018 - Cyrille Bret
October 31, 2017 - Edit Zgut Lóránt Győri Péter Krekó
TOMASZ LACHOWSKI: Lately we have witnessed an increasing popularity of populist politicians winning elections on a conservative agenda and with a relatively high support of young voters. We have seen this in our region of Central Europe – such was the case of Jarosław Kaczyński and the current-ruling Law and Justice (PiS) party in Poland as well as Marian Kotleba and the People’s Party of Our Slovakia in Slovakia. Do you see a similar tendency towards populism among young voters in the Czech Republic?
JAN ŠEREK: Without a doubt this new tendency of young people being more conservative is also visible in the Czech Republic. However, we cannot put a whole generation into one box – we need to recognise that their political behaviour and choices depend on many factors, including education. Regarding the popularity of populist movements, especially among adolescents, I have to emphasise the huge role being played by the media.
October 4, 2017 - Jan Šerek Tomasz Lachowski
“There is no multi-culti here, people are Catholic, conservative, vote for right wing parties, just like in Podhale” – explains one of the protagonists of Ludwika Włodek’s book Four Flags, One Address. But Spiš – or Spisz, depending on whom one asks – a tiny historical region in the Carpathian Mountains, located on the territory of Poland and Slovakia, has been home to more ethnicities than just the two main national groups. So is there really no multi-culti?
August 24, 2017 - Agnieszka Pikulicka-Wilczewska
The consequences of Russia’s invasion are visible not only in Ukraine. The Kremlin has set off or exploited a series of crises that face most European countries.
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New thinking is needed in policies towards Russia, in whatever form it will take after the war.
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Ukraine’s suffering goes well beyond the front line.
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With Russia’s invasion of Ukraine we now see our western values under siege, whether we consciously recognise it or not.
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The invasion by Russian forces of Ukraine from the north, south and east – with the initial aim to take the capital Kyiv – has changed our region, and indeed our world, forever.
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The situation with Russian threats towards Ukraine once again illustrates the high level of instability in our region.
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Only a year ago we witnessed the second Nagorno-Karabakh war between Armenia and Azerbaijan. It took at least 5,000 lives and significantly shifted the geopolitics in the South Caucuses.
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This special issue aims to honour the plight of Belarusians whose democratic choice made in August 2020 was shamelessly snubbed by Alyaksandr Lukashenka.
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From the social, economic and political points of view, a lot of work still remains for this country. And this is why Ukraine’s story is incomplete.
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Our societies are more polarised than ever before, which makes them more susceptible to disinformation, untruth and conspiracy theories.
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The COVID-19 pandemic has exposed limitations and weaknesses in nearly all countries around the world.
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Uncertainty, volatility and the relationship between Russia and the West.
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The Black Sea region is quickly becoming a geopolitical battleground which is gaining the interest of major powers, regional players and smaller countries – and the stakes are only getting higher.
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This issue is dedicated to the 10 year anniversary of the European Union’s Eastern Partnership as well as the 30 years since the 1989 revolutions in Central Europe.
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The consequences of the emerging multipolar world.
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This issue takes a special look at the role and responsibility of the public intellectual in Central and Eastern Europe today.
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In the eastern parts of the European continent, 1918 is remembered not only as the end of the First World War, but also saw the emergence of newly-independent states and the rise of geopolitical struggles which are felt until this day.
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It often seems, at least from the outside, that Belarus remains isolated from the West and very static in its transformation. Yet, despite its relative isolation, Belarus is indeed changing.
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The Summer 2018 issue of New Eastern Europe tackles the complexity of para-states in the post-Soviet space.
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