Old problems and modern solutions: technology and the struggle for election integrity in Bosnia and Herzegovina 

Entrance to the Constitutional Court of Bosnia and Herzegovina in Sarajevo. Photo: Ajdin Kamber / Shutterstock

The night of the snap presidential election in Bosnia and Herzegovina’s Republika Srpska was a triumphant one for the SNSD candidate, Siniša Karan. This was even more so for the party leader Milorad Dodik. But for Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH) and its already fragile democracy, it was far less so. The elections followed a series of unprecedented legal developments: the Constitutional Court of BiH struck down several laws adopted in Republika Srpska (RS), while the State Court convicted Milorad Dodik for refusing to implement the decisions of the High Representative (HR), the head of the international body overseeing the peace agreement. The ruling jeopardized Dodik’s ability to continue serving as RS’s president, and a six-year ban from public office was imposed, prompting the Central Election Commission (CIK) to revoke his mandate. 

Karan’s narrow victory, with 50.4 per cent of the vote, was quickly labelled “fraud” and “manipulation” by opposition parties. Transparency International reported statistically impossible turnout spikes in certain precincts; pre-filled ballots and altered tally sheets; systematic additions of votes for non-voters; and ballots cast in the names of deceased individuals. All of this has deepened citizens’ mistrust and reinforced the perception of illegitimacy – not only of the electoral system but also of public institutions and political representatives. 

Technology as a long-promised solution 

Over the past decade, electoral irregularities have created serious distrust towards the very mechanisms that sustain democratic life. Electoral reform has long been one of the most contested political topics in BiH. Over 70 per cent of citizens doubt the fairness and regularity of BiH’s elections, and most believe that introducing new technologies would improve transparency. One of the long-promised solutions has been the introduction of new technologies – reforms that could modernize the electoral process, speed up counting, and enhance transparency. NGOs, the Office of the High Representative (OHR, the international overseer of the peace agreement framework), but also some political parties, have pushed for such measures, prompting the HR Christian Schmidt to impose them in his recent legal interventions. Yet, budget blockades, party resistance, and limited institutional capacity continue to undermine the implementation and funding of these reforms, raising deeper questions about the willingness of political elites to implement such changes at all. 

Electoral reform and the Bonn powers 

Demographic changes and shifting power dynamics have intensified debates about the structure of the representation for the country’s three “constituent peoples” (Bosniaks, Serbs, Croats), as well as its minority groups. While public debate about elections often centres on how the election law should structure these ethnic representations, irregularities in election administration have been a persistent problem for decades. Those responsible for fraud also rarely face charges or lose office.

For example, in 2020, elections had to be repeated in Doboj and Srebrenica due to fabricated votes, ballots cast in the names of deceased individuals, and organized “carousel voting” by persons brought from abroad on election day. In the 2022 presidential elections in RS, a recount was required after the opposition accused the governing SNSD of widespread manipulation. 

At the same time, many called on the OHR to intervene more decisively in the field of electoral legislation, using the so-called “Bonn Powers”, which give this institution special authority to intervene in domestic governance. It did so twice recently on this matter, in 2024 and again in 2025. 

First steps toward reform – because of OHR intervention 

On March 26th 2024, the HR imposed the Decision Enacting the Law on Amendments to the Election Law of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Contrary to expectations, these were largely technical changes rather than structural, ethnic-based reforms, leaving some political leaders disappointed. Among other things, the amendments restrict the participation of individuals convicted of war crimes, strengthen gender equality provisions, and introduce transparency measures. 

Importantly, the Decision, for the first time, formally introduces the concept of “election technologies”. Article 1.28 (Definitions) provides that: 

“Election technologies shall include a set of information and communication programmes, information and communication devices, methods and procedures and other technical equipment used in the election process (…)” 

This decision explicitly opened the door to electronic voter identification, video surveillance at polling stations, and electronic counting of ballots. 

Lesson from abroad 

Bosnia and Herzegovina is not entering unknown waters. According to the OSCE, nearly all modern electoral administrations use some form of new technologies, from electronic voter lists and results management tools to digital counting and transmission systems. Fifteen out of twenty-seven EU member states already use the same election technologies as proposed in BiH. Estonia remains the most advanced European example, offering nationwide online voting that rely on electronic voter registers and digital systems for reporting and aggregating results. Other states, such as Ireland and the Netherlands, use technology only for results management after discontinuing earlier voting-machine pilots. Together, these examples show that technology is already a part of most European electoral systems, even if paper ballots remain the primary voting method. 

The Council of Europe and the European Commission both emphasize that such tools can strengthen election integrity if introduced gradually and with safeguards ensuring transparency, verifiability, and cybersecurity. 

Yet some states also remain cautious. Germany, for example, discontinued electronic voting machines after a Constitutional Court decision stressed the need for fully public and verifiable counting, a concern rooted not necessarily in fraud but rather in the aim to make elections fully accessible to all citizens. 

Although most election technologies today remain simple and hardware-based, several countries, including India and the US, already use small-scale AI tools for tasks such as voter-roll management or voter information. These trends suggest that AI governance in elections might become increasingly relevant globally, going beyond discussions about the usage of simple technology in elections. 

Opposition to (election) technology in BiH politics 

Despite the March 2024 decision’s promise of fairer elections through new technologies, not all political leaders in BiH welcomed the changes. When the Parliamentary Assembly failed to adopt the state budget for 2025, the OHR intervened again. On July 17th 2025, the HR enacted the Law on Amendments to the Law on Financing of the Institutions of Bosnia and Herzegovina, finally providing funds for the planned introduction of election technologies for the local elections scheduled for October 2026. The act notes that this funding is “essential for strengthening election integrity and transparency in line with international democratic standards”. 

Despite this, implementation still remains uncertain. Political actors continue to block the reforms and resist the use of new technologies. Fact-checking organizations have already debunked conspiracy theories and false information coming from politicians claiming that such technologies are “unproven” or “not used elsewhere”, revealing a clear political disinterest in improving electoral integrity. 

The reluctance is part of a broader pattern. According to the OECD Reports, BiH lacks a national AI strategy; operates without comprehensive e-government strategies at any level of government; and has virtually non-existent institutionalized online participation tools. Therefore, even beyond elections, the connection between democratic innovation and public governance in BiH remains minimal. 

Beyond technology: a test of political will? 

Technological tools alone will not save BiH’s electoral system and democracy. However, they represent an essential starting point, a demonstration that political elites are willing to implement basic reforms to make elections more transparent. They would also show a genuine commitment to restoring public trust in the process.

The ongoing political obstruction, combined with disinformation and conspiracy theories surrounding election technology, exposes a deeper unwillingness to ensure fair elections. This not only delays BiH’s EU integration path but continues to force the OHR to intervene in core democratic processes – tasks that should generally rest with domestic institutions.

Transparent and verifiable use of technology can make democratic accountability tangible, allowing citizens to see that their votes are stored safely and counted fairly. Unless political elites stop blocking implementation, BiH will remain trapped with elections that satisfy neither international standards nor citizens’ expectations, further eroding trust in public institutions and democratic processes. New technologies offer a chance to break this cycle. Whether they will be introduced or remain another unrealized reform depends on decisions made long before the next ballots are cast. 

Electoral technology is only one of many technological areas where BiH lags behind. Yet, if implemented properly, it could become a catalyst for broader democratic innovation, closer cooperation between technology and governance, and increased social trust in its complex political system. 

Suljo Ćorsulić is a PhD researcher at the Leibniz Institute for East and Southeast European Studies (IOS) and University of Duisburg-Essen. His doctoral research focuses on technology policy in the Western Balkans and Southeast Europe, examining how new and emerging technologies shape trust and perceptions of legitimacy in democratisation and EU integration processes in the region. He holds an MA in South European Studies from the University of Glasgow and has worked in civil society and research projects on disinformation, EU integration, and technology policy.

Balkans, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Bosnia and Herzegovina - EU relations, Bosnia and Herzegovina politics, elections, rule of law