Following disputed and violent elections, Georgia edges closer to Russia

Nearly 80,000 protesters gathered In front of the parliament in Tbilisi where they stood all evening. Photo: Théodore Donguy

On Saturday, October 26th, Georgia held parliamentary elections marked by security tensions and growing concerns of pro-Russian interference. The ruling Georgian Dream party, which has developed a pro-Russia stance since coming to power in 2012 and is led by Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze, claimed a broad victory with around 54.2 per cent of the vote, according to the Central Election Commission (CEC).

Situated at the strategic crossroads between Europe and Asia, this former Soviet republic occupies a key position in the Caucasus. Since its independence in 1991, Georgia has navigated between its pro-western aspirations – namely, its desire to join the European Union and NATO – and pressures from its northern neighbour, Russia.

Following the elections, international observers and the opposition reported significant electoral fraud and dozens of violent incidents across the country. President Salomé Zourabichvili, a staunch opponent of Georgian Dream despite her limited powers, condemned what she sees as Moscow’s attempt to tighten its grip on the Caucasus.

Massive protests erupted in Tbilisi, where thousands of Georgians demanded transparency. The memory of the 2008 Russo-Georgian War remains fresh, a conflict that led to Russia’s occupation of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Moscow continues to control these regions and maintains a military presence there, fuelling ongoing tensions with the Georgian people, who still consider these areas integral parts of their sovereign territory.

In front of the massive Georgian parliament on Monday night, Ala Melkoni was one of the many demonstrators who gathered. With a European flag draped over her shoulders, this 22-year-old student refuses to acknowledge the parliamentary election results. In her final year at Tbilisi University, Ala still had exams at eight in the morning the following day: “We’re used to this in Georgia: we study by day and protest by night!”

Standing on a wooden platform before the imposing Georgian parliament, President Salomé Zourabichvili spoke with a sombre expression: “You won these elections; no one has the right to take away your European future.” At the end of her speech, Beethoven’s “Ode to Joy” – the EU anthem – played symbolically over the loudspeakers on Rustaveli Avenue.

Waving flags of the European Union, Ukraine and NATO, the crowd erupted with emotion. Some wiped away tears, as this election was seen by many as the last hope to join the European Union and move away from Russia.

Minutes later, initial clashes between pro-Russian and coalition supporters were quickly suppressed by the hundreds of police officers stationed on site. The arrival of Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán in Tbilisi to congratulate the new government further heightened security measures.

In front of the large ochre-columned entrance to parliament, the police presence did not intimidate Linda Nakashidze. A geology student, Linda is no stranger to protests in Tbilisi. Last May, she came each week equipped with a gas mask to protest laws passed by the Georgian Dream party.

Linda Nakishidze had already mobilized in May against the Georgian Dream government. Photo: Théodore Donguy

Once again on Rustaveli Avenue, she is ready to protest against the newly elected government: “I’ve already faced police water cannons. I’m not afraid of them.” The next day, Linda is back in front of parliament, hoping for new elections to be held.

“Rigged elections manipulated by Russia”

The day before, the president had called on people to challenge the official results. “Recognizing these elections would be to acknowledge Georgia’s submission to Russia,” she declared, accusing Georgian Dream and its honorary chairman, the billionaire Bidzina Ivanishvili, of orchestrating widespread vote-buying and manipulation.

“Ivanishvili’s regime has made it clear that it has no intention of conducting a serious investigation into electoral fraud,” says David Zedelashvili, a constitutional law professor at Tbilisi University. Before the elections, the president had repeatedly criticized laws passed by Georgian Dream, particularly those concerning “foreign agents” and “LGBT propaganda”. Despite Georgian Dream’s stated goal of joining the European Union, their trajectory appears to be pushing Georgia closer to Russia.

Five days after the elections, at the presidential palace, Salomé Zourabichvili once again addressed the press, demonstrating evidence of widespread fraud. On a small screen to her right, images of disruptions at polling stations flashed by. “It couldn’t be clearer,” she added, pointing to the monitor. She has now been summoned by her country’s judiciary to present this evidence and substantiate her claims.

From Georgian Dream’s side, Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze praised the “landslide” election outcome, rejecting claims of electoral fraud and violence. “Irregularities happen everywhere, in every country,” he told the BBC in an interview.

Ironically, a new electronic voting system was implemented in 90 per cent of polling stations for these elections. Yet, the setup proved unreliable, as thousands of citizens reportedly voted multiple times, according to Salomé Zourabichvili: “For instance, the same ID number was linked to twenty votes across different regions.”

A few minutes after the president cast her vote at polling station number 2, Georgians discovered electronic voting for themselves. Photo: Théodore Donguy

Tina Bokuchava, president of the main opposition party the United National Movement (UNM), reported nearly “300,000 cases of fraud”, which she says allowed Georgian Dream to secure 89 out of 150 parliamentary seats. On Sunday afternoon at three o’clock, Georgians eagerly awaited the report from the joint observation mission.

This mission included 529 observers from 42 countries, representing organizations such as NATO and the Parliamentary Assembly of the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE), tasked with overseeing the fair conduct of voting in polling stations across the country.

Addressing hundreds of journalists gathered in the conference hall of the Radisson Hotel in Tbilisi, Pascal Allizard, a French senator and mission coordinator, was clear: “The campaign was imbalanced, and the election was marred by pressure and attempts to buy votes.” According to Antonio Lopez-Isturiz White, a representative of the European Parliament, these manipulations are “proof” of Georgia’s “democratic backsliding”.

From their headquarters at the Marriott Hotel in Tbilisi, the My Vote coalition, composed of around thirty associations, also revealed that Georgian Dream had “orchestrated a large-scale plan aimed at manipulating results”. Specific tactics included pre-filled ballots and the confiscation of ID cards. According to Londa Toloraia, spokesperson for My Vote, “incidents were reported in 189 polling stations, mainly in constituencies favouring the coalition.” This could invalidate these stations, cancelling close to “300,000 votes that would have primarily benefitted one of the four coalition parties.”

Reports of violence across the country

At the 69th polling station in the city of Marneuli, south of the capital, an observer was beaten for filming ballot-stuffing organized by Georgian Dream supporters. This video was the first instance of fraud widely circulated on social media, and the first sign of pro-Russian influence.

According to Alexandre Asatiani, head of foreign affairs for the UNM, over fifty opposition members were attacked on election day: “Some who filmed fraud were even arrested, had their phones confiscated, and were denied access to a lawyer.”

The violence also reached one of the opposition party headquarters. Late Saturday afternoon, an hour before the first polls were released, a group of around twenty men waving Georgian Dream flags stormed the building in a suburb of Tbilisi, sparking a violent clash in the fading light.

The violent attack by Georgian Dream supporters blocked the Kakheti Highway. Photo: Théodore Donguy

One coalition member was injured, and leaders responded immediately: “Their attitude, the arrests of people defending European votes, and this attack prove they are afraid.”

Russia also sought to make election day as violent as possible to intensify debates. Members close to the Wagner militia travelled to Tbilisi to act as election liaisons. Among them was Alexander Malkevich, a friend of former leader Yevgeny Prigozhin, serving as a true Kremlin representative in Georgia that week.

The coming weeks will be decisive

All these election-related events are gradually diminishing the hopes of the 80 per cent of Georgians who wish to join the European Union. Last May, Brussels had already frozen the EU accession process following the adoption of the “foreign agents” law, which restricts the activities of NGOs funded partly by foreign countries.

The West must decide how to characterize these evidently flawed elections and how to respond to the ruling party’s repression, including the potential for a Belarus or Venezuela-style scenario of power retention through force.

The United States is reportedly preparing sanctions against Georgian leaders, including Ivanishvili. These are likely to be applied if government-led violence or electoral fraud persists. The key question remains whether Georgian society has the resolve to sustain resistance to an authoritarian regime.

President Salomé Zourabichvili has thus far been unable to talk with the interior minister to discuss the numerous international reports pointing to election fraud.

Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov, meanwhile, stated, “There are attempts at interference, but they do not come from Russia.” Demonstrations are planned every weekend by the opposition and the president. For now, they refuse to recognize the new parliament, which is expected to elect a new president within weeks.

The battle for Georgian democracy is now heading to the streets, where many observers long anticipated it would ultimately unfold.

Théodore Donguy is an independent journalist based in Paris. He covers human rights and war in Eastern Europe. He has been published in European outlets including VoxEurop, Paris Match, Hampshire Chronicle and France 24.

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Georgia, Georgia-EU relations, Georgian Dream, Georgian election, South Caucasus, Zurabishvili