Subscribe to NEE
Text resize: A A
Change contrast
|
Subscribe to NEE

Pivotal elections: Georgia goes all in

Georgians overwhelmingly support NATO and EU membership and deserve a government that aligns with their aspirations. The West requires reliable partners in the South Caucasus and access to critical checkpoints in connectivity and trade. The current decline in relations between Tbilisi and the West can only be seen as a victory for Russia and China. The elections in October 2024 will provide one last chance for the country and its democratic perspectives.

Georgia is a small country with unique geopolitical importance to Russia, China and the West. Its regional and international positioning is heavily determined by the role of connecting Europe and Asia through the Black Sea. In this light, Russia’s war in Ukraine has profoundly affected the shift in Georgia’s foreign trajectory and democratic backsliding.

September 17, 2024 - Nino Lezhava - AnalysisIssue 5 2024Magazine

EU and Georgian flags on a Tbilisi wall with the inscription "We are EUROPE". Despite the popular support for EU and NATO membership, the Georgian government has shown no willingness to alter its anti-western rhetoric. Photo: EvaL Miko / Shutterstock

Rearrangement of global trade routes and connectivity, fragmentation on the western flank, and emerging authoritarian powers pushed the government in Tbilisi to jump to conclusions and go “all in”. Applying a multi-vector foreign policy, through positioning with Russia and naming China a strategic partner, raised concerns within and outside the country. Neither the overwhelming majority of Georgians nor the West desire to distance themselves from each other, especially in this critical period for the liberal democracies.

Is it a miscalculation or a deliberate move to leave Georgia facing the South Caucasian turmoil alone? The answer to this question became clear with the adoption of the law on “Transparency of Foreign Influence”, also known as the “foreign agents law”, echoing the practice of authoritarian governance in Russia since 2012.

This article is for members only

Join the New Eastern Europe community to unlock this article — plus enjoy full access to premium content, our digital archive, newsletter insights, and podcast updates.

BECOME A MEMBER!

Already a member? Sign in to read the full article.

, , , ,

Partners

Terms of Use | Cookie policy | Copyryight 2025 Kolegium Europy Wschodniej im. Jana Nowaka-Jeziorańskiego 31-153 Kraków
Agencja digital: hauerpower studio krakow.
We use cookies to personalise content and ads, to provide social media features and to analyse our traffic. We also share information about your use of our site with our social media, advertising and analytics partners. View more
Cookies settings
Accept
Decline
Privacy & Cookie policy
Privacy & Cookies policy
Cookies list
Cookie name Active
Poniższa Polityka Prywatności – klauzule informacyjne dotyczące przetwarzania danych osobowych w związku z korzystaniem z serwisu internetowego https://neweasterneurope.eu/ lub usług dostępnych za jego pośrednictwem Polityka Prywatności zawiera informacje wymagane przez przepisy Rozporządzenia Parlamentu Europejskiego i Rady 2016/679 w sprawie ochrony osób fizycznych w związku z przetwarzaniem danych osobowych i w sprawie swobodnego przepływu takich danych oraz uchylenia dyrektywy 95/46/WE (RODO). Całość do przeczytania pod tym linkiem
Save settings
Cookies settings