After the Soviet Union: a melancholy of unwanted experiences

Busts of Joseph Stalin and Karl Marx found along with rugs and other antiques at a market in Baku. Traces of the Soviet past are harder and harder to spot in Azerbaijan. Photo: Marc C. Johnson / Shutterstock

This is something that was overlooked by most people, but not by the late Soviet nomenklatura and those behind perestroika, who gained materially and politically from the collapse of the Soviet Union. In this context, perestroika was rightly labelled as katastroika by the great Russian sociologist and philosopher Alexander Zinoviev. Indeed, it was this katastroika that created a new social order in which capitalism benefited the ruling class and challenged the livelihoods of the majority of people.

Disintegrated society

Unsurprisingly, post-Soviet capitalism also strengthened antagonistic social relations that encouraged a “war of all against all”. This process created two archetypal stories in post-Soviet life: stories of those who survived and won, and stories of those who lost.

Since post-Soviet capitalism enforced this new social order, it also generated a morally degraded form of individuality. If observed closely, it is clear that one of the ugliest and probably cruellest achievements of the post-Soviet social order was the creation of a thoroughly dangerous form of freedom and individuality. This is something that has caused the ethical degeneration of many new societies in the post-Soviet space. But the question of freedom and individuality is generally the major problem of our epoch. Today, in a postmodern society we have a form of individuality that Zygmunt Bauman calls “privatised individuality”, which has nothing to do with freedom. The post-Soviet form of individuality in a way echoes the form that is characteristic of postmodern society. The social and cultural consequences of the post-Soviet transformation are most clear in the tyranny of this privatised individuality, which attacks the principles of collective interests and action.

In this context, the post-Soviet form of individuality echoes the neoliberal theory of society,  which supports the decline of the very idea of society as such. Moreover, this understanding of the private individual encourages people to sacrifice themselves to ignorance and narcissism. By taking this road, the post-Soviet individual is captured by an illusion of freedom. It is tragic that ignorance and narcissism are ultimately viewed by this model of private individuality as the key determinants of an individual’s freedom. Hence, the more narcissistic you are, the freer you are; or the more ignorant you are, the more trust you will have in yourself.

The socio-economic dimension of this post-Soviet individuality only encourages another illusion. Namely, the belief that under capitalism everything is possible and that you will inevitably become rich and successful. This irrational belief works in a very simple way and is directly related to the neoliberal capitalist narrative. As a result, if you fail to reach happiness, you alone are responsible for it. So, if you are unhappy and/or unsuccessful you must blame yourself as you are the one who made the decisions that put you in that position. This cruel reality of survival under post-Soviet capitalism has created a new class of arrogant individuals who are undeservingly proud of themselves.

Democratic delusions

Expectations that the “American Dream” would appear in the post-Soviet world also had a political dimension. On the eve of the post-Soviet transition, it was also believed that there was a real chance for a genuinely democratic system. Here again, we see the naïve belief that the disintegration of the Soviet Union would naturally bring prosperity and democracy. What was forgotten here is that democracy is much like a flower, as it needs to be taken care of under specific conditions. Similarly, democracy also needs a strong immune system to survive. Democracy could never be the natural consequence of the fall of communism. Ironically, almost everything that has since happened has challenged this democratic vision.

This so-called “democratic transformation” turned out to cause nothing but troubles and drama. Of course, it is possible to list dozens of factors that threaten democratic perspectives in the post-Soviet realm. However, by investigating the nuances of such factors, we often overlook important issues. These issues are ignored either knowingly or unconsciously. Overall, I am speaking here about the problems of capitalism. Can democracy survive under capitalism? The renowned political theorist Harold Laski believed that the main principle of capitalism is not harmonious with the principle of democracy, as while capitalism seeks to create inequalities, democracy strives to abolish them. Laski’s idea is generally useful when discussing the current crisis of democracy across the globe. However, it is especially helpful if we hope to understand the main reasons behind democratic stagnation in the post-Soviet world. A wonderful democratic future simply cannot exist in the neoliberal post-Soviet world, where the current political and societal climate creates many obstacles for democracy.

For example, in today’s Georgia, inequality, poverty and social injustice continue to restrict Georgian democracy, which remains in constant crisis and uncertainty. Georgia’s unsuccessful reform has largely been caused by the process of transition to neoliberal capitalism, as well as the immoralities encouraged by this transition. The country’s thoroughly mixed democratic transition has only encouraged various democratic delusions. Due to this, democracy in Georgia is discussed using particular political and ideological narratives by both the local and western liberal classes. This approach says that Georgia will remain a major bastion of post-Soviet democracy only if it maintains its pro-western orientation and loyalty to free market capitalism. This is simply wrong and is something that I call the “ideological flagellation” of democracy. This is a condition under which democracy is hijacked by neoliberal ideologues, while the ideals of equality, welfare and socio-economic justice are marginalised and ignored as major factors in any democratic future.

A damaged transition (as was expected)

Generally speaking, the so-called post-Soviet dual transition (transition to capitalism and liberal democracy) caused problems for many post-Soviet societies and the legacy of this transition can still be felt today. This process was challenged by several issues, including historical-ideological and socio-cultural problems, right from the very beginning of the 1990s. At the same time, if we look at the socio-economic dimensions of this dual transition, it is clear that the society previously focused on industrial socialism would naturally find it difficult to conform to the mental structures of capitalist society. The transition to capitalism also meant that many ordinary people were deprived of social status. This includes the loss of economic rights and much of their cultural life. Unsurprisingly, many people subsequently lost their jobs and struggled to survive. In the end, capitalism in the post-Soviet world has only been a good thing for those who were able to establish control over the wealth once created by Soviet society.

Also, when we speak about the region’s transition to a new democratic order, it is clear that this process has also failed. In the post-Soviet world we either have abnormal forms of democracy, such as neoliberal democracy, or authoritarian and so-called hybrid political regimes. All of these forms of government have been captured by right-wing ideological narratives both in an economic and a cultural sense. This was partly caused by the ideological poverty and homogenisation faced by mainstream political parties that consolidated around a right-wing ideological agenda.

The post-Soviet transition naturally caused many economic, cultural, social and political changes. Economically, the transition to capitalism revived certain archaic ideas. For example, in  Georgia the idea of a modern state vanished and was replaced by an older concept of rule that has nothing to do with equality and social justice. As a result, state power was marginalised and a new economic class began to appear. This became the dominant practice in the post-Soviet world generally. In some states, it was the oligarchic class (in Russia for instance), while in others (like in Georgia) it was a quasi-oligarchic class of bankers who established control over the state and defined the political agenda either independently or together with the established ruling class. Capitalism in the post-Soviet world has ultimately helped form what has often been described as a “disintegrated society”. It also created the conscious and unconscious ideologisation of cultural life along capitalist lines. Finally, the post-Soviet epoch caused political anarchy and then reorganised the political order in line with money and big capital.

Human consequences

In Georgia, post-Soviet neoliberal capitalism has caused many human consequences, such as poverty and migration. Georgians, one of the richest and most flourishing nations of the Soviet Union, immediately experienced impoverishment after the collapse. Even after 30 years of transition, many in the country still struggle to overcome poverty issues. This is especially painful because Georgians experienced well-being and economic prosperity under industrial socialism. Today, according to official figures, 21.3 per cent of Georgians live under the absolute poverty line. Poverty in Georgia is a direct human consequence of political and economic decisions made in line with neoliberal strategies. Sadly, but not surprisingly, no Georgian government in the last 30 years has questioned neoliberal capitalism and its methods of organising the country’s social and economic life.

Migration is another human consequence of neoliberal capitalism in Georgia. Often disenchanted with this “new life”, many Georgians have decided to move to other countries. Georgian citizens now constantly move abroad simply because they need to survive. Some migrate because they need to pay bank loans back in Georgia, whilst some move because they cannot find a job. Some also choose to change countries because they need to help their families in Georgia. A large percentage of Georgians live abroad, including in the West where the vast majority of them work in poor conditions. Georgian migrants do not have to deal with economic issues only. Indeed, nostalgia for their homeland and the challenges of socio-cultural adaptation to their host country are key problems as well.

Generally, immigration is a phenomenon of great complexity. The French-Algerian sociologist Abdelmalek Sayad considered immigration a process or phenomenon that includes many personal, cultural, social and spiritual factors. For Sayad, immigration means that one moves with traditions, feelings, religion, lifestyles and understandings. As a result, immigration creates many new difficulties and challenges in the life of an immigrant. In this context, Georgians usually feel like strangers as it is difficult to quickly adapt to western culture and society. Even if someone wants to adapt to the western world, this requires certain skills, compromises and abilities that are not so easy to find. Georgian labour migrants who seek their fate in the West illustrate the dramatic human consequence of neoliberal capitalism in Georgia, which has forced Georgians to become poor workers abroad.

The story of Georgia is not an exceptionally unique story with regards to the post-Soviet neoliberal transition. Ultimately, there are similar stories in the vast majority of post-Soviet societies. The neoliberal transition has not only caused various consequences, but it is also an ongoing process. Considering this, intellectual and political resistance against this process is not only a right but also a moral obligation of citizens.  

Bakar Berekashvili is a professor of political science and sociology at the Georgian American University in Tbilisi.

Collapse of the USSR, Georgia