Navalny is a symbol of the opposition, not its leader

Photo: Konstantin Lenkov / Shutterstock

Unfortunately, more than 2,000 people, in St Petersburg alone, were detained during the protests. Along with my colleagues from the scarce opposition in the local legislative assembly (there are only three of us there), we raised the issue of investigating Navalny’s poisoning, until we were deprived of the right to speak out on this matter and anything else the chamber authorities believe is unrelated to the topics of the discussions. The authorities may be accused of wishful thinking in that the discontent and protests will subside gradually, especially with warmer days ahead –  but they are wrong, they will not go away.

How are the recent demonstrations in support of Navalny different from those in the past?

I do not agree with the opinion that now only Navalny’s supporters are taking to the streets. In fact, many of the participants in the demonstrations are rather sceptical about Navalny. But they are simply fed up with the corrupt system we have and how the government functions. Not all the people necessarily want political change. Many just yearn for a better life, higher pensions, better social benefits, and so on. Unfortunately living standards in Russia have deteriorated and are getting worse.

You are a key member of the only registered opposition party, Yabloko. However, the relationship it has with Navalny’s team is uneasy, to put it mildly. The article “No to Putinism and Populism,” published earlier this year by former Yabloko chairman Grigory Yavlinsky, questions Navalny’s methods.  What do you make of the article?

Indeed, Yabloko has been heavily criticised for it, but there have been many who agree with what it says. This article is not about Navalny himself – something that our critics insist, but about the country in which we live. It is about Putin’s repressive regime, what we should do next, and that we cannot fall into the trap of extremes – be it Putinism or populism. For me, this article is an exhortation to change our vicious system – not through street protests and violence, but peacefully, through elections. Note that Yabloko has always demanded the release of all political prisoners, as well as arrested participants of Navalny support marches, and it calls for an international investigation into the poisoning of Navalny and Vladimir Kara-Murza (a Russian oppositionist who was poisoned both in 2015 and 2017 as a recent Bellingcat investigation has found – editor’s note). We also urge to investigate the assassinations of Boris Nemtsov, Timur Kuashev and others. But, yes, we do not urge everyone to take to the streets, something Navalny’s team is doing, often insistently. The protests are unlikely to free Navalny. Their goal, as the organisers say themselves, is different – namely, to attract the attention of the public and to involve them in it. But is the price – I mean the detentions, heavy fines, lost employment, ruined careers and lives – worth it? Especially when it will be detainees who will have to pay the price, not those who urge them to take to the streets.

Personally, I do not think it is right to call on young people through social media to participate in protests. Sadly, there are many minors among the detainees, and their parents sometimes do not know anything about their apprehension until it is too late. And I cannot agree with what, for example, Leonid Volkov, Navalny’s right hand, said in an address to parents on January 25th, when he insisted that the children themselves decide whether or not to participate in the protests. When underage children are taken away by police, they are under stress and often cry. I have seen it many times with my own eyes, as I am regularly visiting the local militia precincts helping the detainees. And the consequences they and their parents subsequently face are life-changing. Frankly, I do not support any political protests when blood is shed or may be shed. I am in favour of peaceful measures against the repressive system, Putinism.

What are they?

Educating people, disseminating information and, of course, free elections. It is not true that all opposition members are barred from participating in elections in Russia. There are already many high-profile cases where opposition candidates managed to win key positions. Regarding the upcoming elections to the State Duma, I do not think Putin’s United Russiawill succeed, despite all the efforts to achieve a resounding victory. In fact, I would say that the elections will be the most difficult for them. The people are disappointed and angry and despondency is growing. The situation changes every day, so a lot can happen before election day. To be honest with you, I would not be surprised if United Russiaand Putin find themselves in a completely new situation on the day after the election. If so, then the continuation of their leading role would be impossible. This can happen despite the advantages the party has ahead of the election.

Do you consider Navalny a leader of the Russian opposition?

I see Navalny as a symbol of the opposition, not its leader. A political leader must have a functioning political organisation, a political programme and, of course, a clear vision for the future. Although he runs an anti-corruption organisation and is a social media star, he is not, in a broad sense, an opposition leader. I say this clamouring while also being vehemently against his political persecution and calling on the authorities to allow him to participate in elections. But let’s face it, honestly: Navalny is a nationalist. In his interview with Der Spiegel last autumn, he confessed that his views have not changed over the past 15 years. Meanwhile, in 2007, he was expelled from Yabloko precisely because of his nationalism. For Yabloko, nationalism is not acceptable. In addition, the desire of some of his supporters to offend anyone who criticises Navalny, and the wrath they demonstrate – which I have been observing for a long time – also does not sit well with me. Who can be convinced that Navalny and his people will not treat their critics in the same harsh way they are being treated now? Of course, if they get power. And, nevertheless, we are ready to discuss the issue of including Navalny’s supporters in our electoral lists for the Duma elections in September. Many of them, I believe, are like-minded people, like us in Yabloko.

Do you see anything in common with the protests in Belarus and Russia?

I think that Alyaksandr Lukashenka will not last long. But Putin is another story. The system he has created is more stable and intricately entrenched in the many layers of the pyramid of power. Dismantling it would require a colossal effort, a lot of time, and the people themselves would have to be ready to make the transition. Unfortunately, many of my compatriots are still very apathetic. But the number of those who want change is growing – a good sign.

What do you make of the documentary on Putin’s palace, released by Navalny’s people prior to his arrest? Do you see the timing as a mere coincidence?

Of course it is no coincidence! Yabloko had published its own investigative report on the construction of the palace ten years ago. We were ringing the alarm bells loudly, but, well, few people were interested then. To tell you the truth, the film did not surprise me one bit. Most Russians would be far more stunned if the documentary said Putin has nothing. What worries me about the documentary is that it has the potential to trigger ideological fury, towards those who are rich or richer than the majority. Let’s admit it: some people make money honestly. In Russia, too. But what sets Russia apart from the rest of the world is that we have seen how this kind of hatred has sparked sweeping revolutions. We ought not to wage a war against all those who are rich, but against the corrupt political system which is fostered by Putin and which allows his cronies to become super-rich.

How important will the factor of the coronavirus pandemic be in the autumn elections?

It will be important, to a greater or lesser extent, without a doubt. People see the inability of the authorities to properly tackle the crisis, and there is little support for local businesses suffering from it. As elsewhere, people in Russia want the pandemic to be over and they want to return to normal life as soon as possible – go on vacation, attend concerts and the theatre, see relatives without fear of contracting the virus. But life is unlikely to get back to where it was before the pandemic anytime soon.

Boris Vishnevsky is a columnist and opposition member of the St Petersburg legislative assembly with the Yabloko party.

Linas Jegelevicius is a Lithuanian journalist and editor in chief of The Baltic Times.

Alexei Navalny, Boris Vishnevsky, Russian politics