How to set up your own para-state

Photo: Anton Holoborodko (CC) commons.wikimedia.org

The most recent additions to the list of unrecognised states include the Donetsk and Luhansk People’s Republics which came into being in 2014 as a result of the war in east Ukraine.

Reflecting on past examples of para-state building efforts raises the question how one goes about creating a new entity that would survive the tumultuous winds of history. What follows is a guide on how to create a lasting state from scratch.

Preparing for the “zero hour”

First rule: all aspiring founders of a para-state should find a vulnerable region. Each country has an area that is distinct and does not match the rest – it is the weakest link. Differences can be based on language, religion, ethnic makeup, as well as economic, social, political or historical background. Each of the above can serve as a nucleus for a brand new identity.

Second rule: Build a narrative. If you have already found at least one feature which distinguishes your region you can start to come up with new differences. It can even be something far-fetched – something that people do not think about in their daily lives. One example would be a popular type of livelihood in the region, some local natural resource, or even a special type of plant that is unique to the region. What is important is to turn these differences into an advantage and, at the same time, emphasise the discrimination people have experienced based on their distinct position.

Nostalgia is also very important for the narrative. The desire to return to the past – or, more precisely, its ideological reinterpretation – is a factor driving many societies in the world. Slogans like “Make [insert country name] great again”, “We won’t kneel down in front of anyone”, and its twin “Rising from our knees” have always had a mobilising power as the postulate of regaining dignity is part of every revolt. A glorious past, grievances and the promise to regain greatness are major keys to success.

Before the “zero hour” comes, you need to have visuals ready. Flags, symbols and the image of a strongman leader are always a great start. He – it is nearly always a he – should have a threatening but approachable face that people would fear and admire at the same time. The visuals have to be easy to identify with – they can be attached to cars and balconies, displayed on windows or printed on t-shirts. Local musicians – some out of honest dedication, others because of opportunism – will eagerly write songs glorifying the fight, resistance and pride that everyone can sing and play loudly.

Third rule: Take advantage of an upheaval. A government legitimacy crisis is always a good occasion for separatist forces to secede or for other states to mobilise separatist movements, often a one-off opportunity. This can be a mass protest, preferably a revolution or war, in which the government side is losing. Seizing the opportunity becomes even easier now as – according to Dominic Tierney, a professor at Swarthmore College and author of a number of books on US war involvement – almost 90 per cent of new conflicts are civil wars. Intrastate revolutions and crises successfully destroy institutions and thus the reach and effectiveness of the state. This is when separatists, equipped with arms, can turn against weakened government forces; and if the state is weak enough, they can take control without a fight.

Taking over

Fourth rule: find a big brother. Unless you have been sent by a foreign power to create a puppet regime, it is important to have the support of an influential state in advance. Ideally, the separatist region would share a border with this state. It makes logistics easier for transporting troops – especially in case the big brother does not want to openly manifest its support – and providing all kinds of goods once the new state is subject to a blockade. Help from abroad can prove to be crucial when the adversary has a significant military advantage – for example, when they have an air force and the separatists do not. In that case, anti-aircraft weapons are needed.

Then it is time to take control of the territory. This is when a stall for time begins. Remember that the government will eventually get back on its feet, and again claim rights to the whole country. Therefore, the operation has to be well-planned and effective. Everything depends on the existing armed forces or the still forming “people’s resistance”. They should quickly take control of the local branches of the security apparatus: police stations, military bases and armouries, then the rest of the state sector.

Armed fighters should quickly install checkpoints so that “undesirable elements” do not sneak into the newly formed state. With time, thanks to the checkpoints, the separatists will be able not only to control the territory but also make a living; for example, by introducing customs or fees for crossing. If the new government does not despise corruption, every border and control point will be a jackpot.

The next step is to build a loyal media network, for the new state needs its propaganda machine. Traditional media still has the greatest impact on local populations so it has to become the first target. Shortly after that, they will need to focus on the internet which will enable access to the cause’s sympathisers around the world. It will influence public opinion and perhaps even encourage foreign fighters to join the struggle. If some countries supporting our rebels also speak the same language, the issue is simple. They need to cut off the signals of television channels and radio stations of the previous host country and redirect the waves to their own media. But this is only part of the process. The new “people’s government” will have to create its own mass media so that every citizen knows who rules in the area. Following such an intense media bombardment, the level of support for the new authorities and hate towards the old ones will significantly rise, and those few still criticising the takeover of power will either quieten down or begin to doubt everything they hear and see. Propaganda makes the impossible possible. Prisons may be packed, but democracy will be flourishing as those imprisoned are all agents and spies – often recruited by foreign regimes – or extremists and terrorists. Martial law can still be considered temporary although no one is planning to end it within the next several years (or longer). Are fighters using civilians as human shields to hide their tanks? Propaganda will explain that innocent civilians were perfidiously shelled by enemy weapons.

Building the state

Now comes the time to create the institutions. These are crucial and will allow the new entity to create an efficient para-state system, enjoying popular support. First, the new government will be interested in the security apparatus, especially the security services. The number of external enemies will only be topped by the number of internal ones. That is, plotters looking for an occasion to become slightly eccentric life-long leaders, beloved by the crowds, who will go down in history of the new state and, above all, make a lot of money.

Other services such as waste collection, maintaining infrastructure, working schools and hospitals are also important. It is these institutions that will convince those most resistant that, in the end, it is not so bad. It is easy to preserve the continuity of institutions. Many bureaucrats working for local administrations will happily change the flags and placards on their office doors and continue their work uninterrupted.

The next step is to legitimise the power. By this time, everything should more or less be working – the media support the government, and the electoral commission is as loyal as a personal guard. Therefore, it is time to formally legitimise the new reality. If the para-state is to pretend to be a democracy, it is good to begin with an independence referendum so that nobody can claim that the people did not want it. Then the leader has to receive legitimacy. It is simple: all it takes is to hang posters with the face of the new ruler and to have him featured in almost every news story; and to ban any potentially threatening political opponents from taking part in the election. At the same time, no serious contender will be allowed to run an election campaign. The citizens will soon believe that they cannot live without their beloved leader and that they owe him everything.

You will also need a cult of victimhood, as nothing creates a sense of community as much as injustice. While earlier it could have been imaginary, after the first clashes with government forces, concrete examples now exist to back up the narrative. Having victims who sacrificed their lives for the new entity will strengthen the foundations of the community and will take the conflict to a higher level.

Finally, the new authorities have to give the inhabitants what they were lacking under the former rule. It will cross the Ts and dot the Is. It is time to realise some of the promises that have brought the separatist movement into existence. Effective institutions are a strong asset, but what is needed is righting earlier wrongs. If people used to complain about high bills, you need to lower them. If they were forced to do something, you need to force them to do the opposite thing. Give the citizens the sense that they have acquired something that has long been beyond their reach.

Now, the only thing that is left is for the new government of the unrecognised state to hope that the big brother will not abandon it and will be generously contributing sacks of money to the state budget. Or that it will not immerse into a crisis similar to the one which helped bring to life the self-proclaimed state.

Translated by Agnieszka Pikulicka-Wilczewska

Paweł Pieniążek is a Polish journalist based in Syria. He has reported on the protests in Russia, the Ukrainian EuroMaidan revolution, the war in Donbas, the refugee crisis, and the Kurds’ fight against the Islamic State. His book, Greetings from Novorossiya, was recently published in English.

para-state, separatism