Czech-Polish relations. Past and future

Photo: David Sedlecký (CC) Commons.wikimedia.org

Havel’s words (quoted above) expressed during his first visit to Poland as the Czechoslovak president illustratively show the feelings of the re-established democratic Czechoslovakia about Poland. It also portrays how respectful and friendly the Czech(oslovak)-Polish relations were since the beginning of 1990. Havel divided his speech into two main parts. The first part was about the past. Not only did he praise Poland for the Solidarity movement, “the marvellous personality of the Pope [Poland has] given to the world” or the apology for the contribution to the occupation of Czechoslovakia in 1968, he also recalled the co-operation of the Czechoslovak and Polish underground movements in 1970s and 80s.

The second part of his address was devoted to the present and the future. It is important to remember the context in which the speech was given. The Warsaw Pact was still in place and so was the Soviet Union whose Red Army was stationed in Czechoslovakia and Poland. On the other hand, Germany was already on the path towards reunification and the border issue between Poland and Germany was not yet fully settled.

Central Europe awakens

Despite these confusing circumstances, Havel projected two things. First, there will not be a united Europe without a unified Germany. Second, some kind of Central European co-operation is needed in order to succeed in changing Europe.

Havel stated: “For the first time in history, we have a real opportunity to fill the great political vacuum that appeared in Central Europe after the collapse of the Habsburg Empire with something genuinely meaningful. We have an opportunity to transform Central Europe from what has been a mainly historical and spiritual phenomenon into a political phenomenon. We have an opportunity to take this wreath of European states – so recently colonised by the Soviet Union and now attempting to build a relationship with the nations of the Soviet Union based on equality – and fashion it into a special body. Then we can approach the richer nations of Western Europe, not as poor failures or helpless, recently amnestied prisoners, but as countries that can make a genuine contribution. What we have to offer are spiritual and moral impulses, courageous peace initiatives, under-exploited creative potential, and the special ethos created by our freshly won freedom. We can offer the inspiration to consider swift and daring solutions.”

I would argue that we cannot divide the two parts of Havel’s Warsaw speech, as they fit together as a whole. He praises Poland for its great contribution to the “awakening” of Central Europe. However, he points out that the mission is not complete, that much more has to be done and that this effort is not limited to Central Europeans. “We have awakened, and now we must arouse those in the West who have slept through our awakening,” he said. Adding, “The more coordinated our approach, the better we will be able to achieve our ends.”

The history which followed is well known. The Visegrad Group was established in 1991; both countries entered NATO (also thanks to mutual co-operation) in 1999; and joined the European Union in 2004. The Visegrad Group survived the era of a vegetative existence in 1992-1998 and gradually widened its field of co-operation since. As NATO and EU enlargements were grand geopolitical leaps filled with a trillion tiny steps, the question arises: Was there still a place to recognise Poland’s exceptional role in the 1980s, as we saw in Havel’s speech?

Cornerstone of relations

With the exception of a short time period before the NATO enlargement, when the so-called 2+2 format of joint meetings of Czech and Polish foreign and defence ministers was established, there was not anything fundamentally special in relations between the Czech Republic and Poland before 2004. The two countries were, indeed, very close to each other. Mutual support in Euro-Atlantic integration was a cornerstone of Czech-Polish relations and membership of the Czech Republic in the EU without Poland, or vice versa, would be inconceivable. The bilateral co-operation thus mirrored the principal goal of both countries’ foreign policy, which was membership of the EU. All other issues were subordinated to it. Yet a major exception was the Visegrad co-operation which became rooted in 1990 in national bureaucracies and contributed to better contacts with Visegrad partner countries, including Poland.

These contacts were capitalised soon after the accession to the EU, as the Czech-Polish co-operation suddenly expanded. In 2006-2007, both countries expressed reservations regarding the EU treaty revision. The Czech Republic and Poland negotiated with the United States on the placement of elements of the US missile defence system on their soil. The very fact that both countries entered the EU with many transitional provisions (regarding the Common Agricultural Policy or the Labour Market) and were much poorer put them into a less favourable position vis-à-vis the Western European member states. Together, this made the Czech Republic and Poland natural allies in the EU.

Visegrad visibility

Yet, these issues which bounded us together are becoming less and less relevant. The perception of the EU is different, the threat perception diverges and so do sectoral priorities in the EU. What has remained, however, is the Visegrad Group. Moreover, the Visegrad Group is even more visible in European politics today than ever before, as it has gained much attention due to its disapproval of accepting refugees in the framework of the EU relocation programme. However, I would ask whether this is a reflection of the “genuine contribution” and “spiritual and moral impulses” that Havel had in mind during his Warsaw address.

The Polish Solidarity movement of 1980 was an inspiration for the whole Soviet Bloc. It resulted in the “autumn of nations” in 1989, which brought us to the path on which we walk today, which includes liberal democracy, NATO and EU membership. Unfortunately, recognition of these exceptional achievements is not expressed enough these days.

Vít Dostál is the director of the AMO Research Center. He focuses on Czech foreign and European policy, Central European co-operation and Polish foreign and domestic policy.

Polish-Czech relations, Vaclav Havel, Visegrad grou